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Books on Syria

REPUBLICAN REFERENCE
Area (sq.km)
185,180
Population
17,585,540
Capital
Damascus
Currency
Syrian pound (SYP)
President
Bashir al-Asad
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Update No: 031 - (30/05/06)
The Syrian Lebanese Relationship and its
Discontents
On May 19, the UN Security Council passed resolution 1680, which builds on
the 2004 resolution 1559, concerning Syrian-Lebanese relations. The resolution
was drafted by The United States, Great Britain and France. It demands that
Syria respect Lebanon's sovereignty by ceasing all interference in its internal
affairs, also urging the demarcation of an official border between the two
countries. In contrast to the war on Iraq, the United States and France
co-sponsored the resolution, suggesting the two countries share foreign policy
objectives in the Syro-Lebanese situation. In the fallout resulting from the
murder of Rafiq Hariri in February 2005, France echoed US demands that Syria
withdraw its troops from Lebanon. Hariri's murderers must have known that he was
well regarded in Paris and was on excellent personal terms with President Chirac.
The French shift towards Damascus carries unusual strength. For the duration of
the 1990's until the war on Iraq, France had very good relations with Syria
where Middle Eastern issues were concerned. Indeed, French President Jacques
Chirac was the only western leader to attend the funeral of president Hafez al-Asad
in 2000. Nevertheless, France has found an opportunity to rebuild its own
fractured diplomacy with Washington by supporting it on Syria-Lebanon matters.
One year ago, Syria completed the withdrawal of troops from Lebanon as demanded
by Resolution 1559. France was as adamant as the United States that Syria
accomplish this demand; losing the support of such a key western ally as France
suggests that Syria now has less maneuvering room to reject or dilute UN
resolutions concerning Lebanon. This also means that there is a potential for
more conflict within the Syrian administration itself as pragmatists struggle
with entrenched interests and their protectors to maintain the status-quo vis-à-vis
Lebanon. The new resolution, in its indirect mention of the Iranian influence in
Lebanese affairs through Hezbollah and its ally Syria, complicates matters
further given the ongoing crisis over Iran's pursuit of nuclear capability.
Apart from reiterating previous calls for the disbandment of Lebanese and
non-Lebanese militias, Resolution 1680 formally asks that Syria establish a
formal diplomatic relationship with Lebanon. Syria, which has rejected the new
Resolution, seemed especially adamant about what it called 'interference' in the
border demarcation and diplomatic ties requests, a view echoed by Iran also. In
fact, Syria has refused to acknowledge the very concept of diplomatic relations
with Lebanon for the past 60 years - that is since Syria and Lebanon gained
their independence from France - and it reacted suggesting that UN res. 1680
hampers rather than facilitates the establishment of Syro-Lebanese formal
diplomacy. It would be very difficult for president Bashir al-Asad to acquiesce
to the new UN resolution in this respect. It might be said that Syria, which
considers Lebanon a natural geo-cultural extension of itself (Lebanon was
separated from the Ottoman province of Syria after the defeat of the Ottoman
Empire), continues to reject the notion of Lebanon as an independent country.
The Syrian ministry of foreign affairs also hinted that the current anti-Syrian
government in Beirut also makes the establishment of diplomatic relations with
Lebanon unlikely or unfeasible. As for the border, accepting the latest UN
demand that it delineate its border with Lebanon formally, Syria would have to
confront the issue of the Shebaa Farms, which are controlled by Israel, while
Lebanon also claims this area for itself. Hezbollah's military arm has used the
area to launch attacks against Israel. Therefore, Syria would not realistically
discuss any negotiation on a border until the discussion is included in a
general Middle East peace process that would also discuss the Golan Heights.
Indeed, calls by the president of the Palestinian National Authority (ANP)
Mahmoud Abbas to resume the peace process by proposing a meeting with Israeli
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in Sharm el-Sheikh, are unlikely to please Syria. For
his part, Abbas is using the talks to put pressure on the Hamas executive to
come to terms in recognizing the Israel as a sovereign state, but it is unlikely
that Syria can start a separate negotiation process over its direct disputes
with Israel. Hamas and Syria have been sidelined as if they are not essential to
the peace process in the Middle East.
Stopping Dissent at the Origin
In this context, as pressure on the Syrian presidency mounts, in May there
was a reminder of the grimmer periods of the Ba'ath rule. The government,
apparently repealing the more open policies maintained by Bashir al-Asad (as
opposed to his father Hafez- al-Asad during the 1980's) arrested several
writers, activists, and intellectuals over the past week in a sweeping crackdown
on internal dissent. One of the more recognized figures under arrest is the
journalist Michel Kilo. Civil society groups maintain that this wave of arrests,
the most intense since 2001, is aimed to silence those who have openly signed
declarations demanding (Michel Kilo being one of these) that Syria improve
relations with Lebanon. Syro-Lebanese relations, particularly in response to the
UN Resolution 1680, have become a very contentious issue. Causing the friction
is the Beirut-Damascus Declaration. It was signed by nearly 300 Syrian and
Lebanese intellectuals in mid-May, and it asks Syria to improve its relations
with Lebanon, first by setting up embassies in each country and by clearly
demarcating the border between the two nations. This is to say that the
Declaration makes the same demands and touches the same open 'nerves' as
Security Council Resolution 1680. Those arrested (including the aforementioned
Michel Kilo and Anwar al-Bunni, a human rights lawyer) were charged with
inciting sectarian strife. However, the in view of the contentious nature of the
demands, the Syrian government (or some elements within it) perceived the
coincidence of the timing and demands of the activists and the Security Council
as agreement or support for its position. The human rights lawyer Bunni, had
opened a human rights center in Damascus with funds from the European Union, and
he was charged with accepting money from foreign entities. In arresting these
human rights figures, the Syrian government may also be concerned about the rise
of the kind of foreign sponsored opposition and civil rights movements that
helped fuel the 'Orange Revolution' in Ukraine, the pro-Western groups that
promoted pro-Western candidates in Georgia and Serbia before that or, indeed,
the makings of Syria's own version of a 'cedar' revolution. Resolution 1680,
therefore, raises many questions by focusing on the establishment of Syro-Lebanese
diplomatic relations and formal border demarcation. The Syrian regime and
president al-Asad in particular, face international pressure and possible
sanctions, now coming even from one of its closest European allies (France) as
well as the possibility of home grown Human Rights groups establishing
international ties using it as advantage to support a wider agenda of reform.
President Asad cannot appear to be soft on Lebanon. He would lose support among
Baath party radicals and expose himself to manipulation. This is especially
delicate as the investigation into the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister
Rafiq Hariri continues, and while it uncovers more details about a possible
involvement of Syrian and Lebanese intelligence groups.
Oil Industry Developments
If political pressures for Syria have increased, oil serves as an ideal
lubricant for business ones where national disputes are gladly put aside.
Indeed, in May, Syria signed an oil-production agreement with US-based Marathon
Petroleum Co. to develop the Sha'ir and Sharifa oil fields, as well as gas
exploration under a $127-million contract for 25 years and an additional
five-year renewable option. Marathon also has the option of selling its
interests to another party, should it face such problems as having to leave
Syria due to the possible deployment of US sanctions. In 2004, after the Syria
Accountability Act was introduced by the US administration, several US oil
companies such as ConocoPhillips had left, while non-US based Shell and Total
stayed (a situation not unlike - but far less drastic - than was the case with
Libya in 1986). Syria is seeking new oil resources to boost production from
around 400,000 bpd (2004). China and India are also interested in developing
their business relations with Syria. The Chinese firm CNPC and Indian ONGC help
look for new oil resources, while their respective governments (as well as
Russia) give Syria much needed diplomatic support. Russia and China abstained
from voting on the latest UN Security Council Resolution 1680 against Syria.
Meanwhile, Iran plans to build an oil pipeline to transfer oil to Europe through
Syria.
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